Draft:Child prostitution

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Prostitution is the exchange of money or goods of value for engaging in sexual activity by one for the sexual gratification of another.

Prostitution has existed since time immemorial, and has never been successfully eradicated, as the majority of those engaging in prostitution wish to continue to do so[Citation needed], as do those utilizing the services of prostitutes.

Most (so-called) "child prostitution" is engaged in knowingly and willingly by (so-called) "children" who are actually biologically and sexually mature adults (males and females who have already reached puberty) but who happen to be under the age of 18 (and therefore having been arbitrarily defined as "children" by the United Nations).[1][2]

Many gay teenagers are kicked out of their homes by their parents for being gay, and then these youths, to support themselves, have sex with men for money.

Kinds of prostitution

Most prostitution is voluntary[Citation needed]see the bibliography

  • Only a small percentage [of child prostitutes] (11.4%) reported being forced or coerced into prostitution
  • Marriage & Family Review Volume 12 issue 1-2 1988 [doi 10.1300%2FJ002v12n01_07] Sullivan, Terrence -- Juvenile Prostitution

and unforced. A very very small amount--a tiny amount--of prostitution is actually a form of forced slave labor, and involves the kidnapping and illegal incarceration of (usually) sexually mature (therefore biologically adult) women[Citation needed]see the bibliography. Unfortunately, young people not yet sexually mature may occasionally--but only very rarely--be kidnapped and forced into slave labor as prostitutes.

  • Youth Prostitution- A Literature Review- L Cusick,Lynch, D Gough - Child Abuse Review, 2002

Research among adult prostitutes in Britain consistently shows a majority were under the age of consent when they first prostituted. Skidmore (2000) found the most common age of first street prostituting to be between 12 and 15 years old, with only three interviewees starting at age 16 or over. This survey also found that half of these young people had had no sexual experiences prior to prostitution. Pearce and Roach (1997) interviewed 46 prostituting women, 27% of whom said they were between 13 and 16 years of age when they started work; a total of 75% of the women said they started working before the age of 20. In research with The Children’s Society, Melrose et al. (1999) interviewed 50 prostitutes. They found 64% of the sample had become involved in prostitution before they could legally consent to sex. The youngest children became involved in prostitution aged 11. Forty-eight per cent were involved in prostitution before they were 14. Seventy-two per cent of the interviewees said that they thought there were more children on the streets than when they started out.

Some of what appears to be young male adolescent "prostitution" is actually something quite different: In cultures where homosexual activity is seem as "immoral" and "shameful" (Western Judeo-Christian societies, for example) a boy will often demand a token payment--sometimes even a very very small amount of money--so that, in the boy's mind, he can justify having engaged in the sexual activity "because it was done for the money"[3]. In this way the boy does not have to admit to himself, or to his friends, the truth--which is that he engaged in the activity for the pleasure involved, and not for the money he received.


BUDDHISM A spiritual tradition founded in northern India in the sixth to fifth century B . C . by Siddhartha Gautama (known as "theBuddha," or "Awakened One"), Buddhism places emphasis on practicing meditation and following a spiritual path that leads from a state of suffering, viewed as the result of attachment, to a state of enlightenment, transcendence and bliss called nirvana. This path is seen as extending over many lifetimes. Buddhism has exerted a major influence on the cultures of India, Nepal, China, Japan, Tibet, Korea, Mongolia, Thailand, Burma, Sri Lanka, Laos, Cambodia, and Vietnam, and in the current century has gained a foothold in Western countries as well. Among world religions, Buddhism has been notable for the absence of condemnation of homosexuality as such. Early and Theravada Buddhism. For an account of the earliest form of Buddhism, scholars look to the canonical texts of the Tipitaka preserved in the Pali language and transmitted orally until committed to writing in the second century B . C . These scriptures remain authoritative for the Theravada or Hinayana school of Buddhism, now dominant in Southeast Asia and Sri Lanka. The Pali Canon draws a sharp distinction between the path of the layperson and that of the bhikkhu (mendicant monk, an ordained member of the Buddhist Sangha or Order). The former is expected primarily to support the Sangha and to improve his karmic standing through the performance of meritorious deeds so that his future lives will be more fortunate than his present one. The bhikkhu, in contrast, is expected to devote all his energies to self-liberation, the struggle to cast off the attachments which prevent him from attaining the goal of nirvana in the present lifetime. The layperson's moral code pertaining to sexuality consists of the resolution to avoid kamesu micchacara. As a "training rule" or resolution it does not have the absolute prohibitive nature of Western religious codes (e.g., the Ten Commandments), and is promulgated not as the desire of a God but as a practical guide toward improving one's karma and so (eventually) attaining nirvana. The Pali phrase cited is literally translated as "wrongdoing in the sense-desires," and thus is thought originally to have covered misuse of all the senses (for example, gluttony). In most current English translaBUDDHISM • tions, under the influence of Victorian missionaries who did the early translations, this has been rendered, however, as "sexual misconduct." The lay moral code (Pancasila) leaves it up to the individual to interpret what such misconduct might be, but the supplementary texts spell out such offenses as adultery, rape, and taking advantage of those over whom one exercises authority. What is not included even in the supplementary canonical texts is any condemnation of pre-marital sex or of homosexuality as such. In short, the unmarried Buddhist layperson is free to engage in consentual homosexual acts. This had led to a great deal of tolerance of homosexuality in modern Buddhist countries. The monastic code of discipline or vinaya, however, is aimed at curtailing all passions, including sexual ones. "Is not the Law taught by me for the allaying of the fever of pleasures of the senses?" explains the Buddha in a canonical vinaya text. Thus all acts involving the intentional emission of his semen are prohibited for the monk; the insertion of the penis into a female or male is grounds for automatic expulsion from the Sangha, while even masturbation is a (lesser) offense. On the other hand, the vinaya is silent on matters which presumably were not thought to arouse the sense-pleasures; thus there is no law against a monkreceiving a penis into his own body. While a monk is prohibited by lesser rules from even touching the body of a female (even a female animal), no such rule pertains to other males, and the physical expression of affection is very common among the Buddhist monks. The full rules of the vinaya are not applied to the samaneia or novice monk, who may be taken into the Sangha as early as seven years old and who is generally expected though not obligated to take the Higher Ordination by the age of 21. In this way the more intense sexual drive of the male teenager is tacitly allowed for. A samaneia may masturbate without committing an offense. Interestingly, while a novice commits a grave offense if he engages in coitus with a female, requiring him to leave the Sangha, should he instead have sex with a male he is only guilty of a lesser offense requiring that he reaffirm his samaneia vows and perform such penance as is directed by his teacher. This may be the only instance of a world religion treating homosexual acts more favorably than heterosexual ones. While there is very little secondary Theravada literature (at least in English) pertaining to homosexuality, it has been speculated that homosexual orientation may arise from the residual karma of a previous life spent in the opposite gender from that of the body currently occupied by the life-continuum. This explanation contains no element of negativity but rather posits homosexuality as a "natural" result of the rebirth cycle. TheMahayana andjapanese Buddhism. The form of Buddhism which spread northward into Tibet, China, Japan, Korea, and Mongolia from its Indian heartland came to be known as the Mahayana. It de-emphasized the dichotomy between monk and layperson and relaxed the strict vinaya codes, even permitting monks to marry (in Japan). The Mahayana doctrinally sought to obliterate categorical thinking in general and resolutely fought against conceptual dualism. These tendencies favored the development of positive attitudes toward homosexual practices, most notably in Japan. Homoeroticism was introduced to Japan, legend has i t , by the Buddhist monk Kukai, also known as Kobo Daishi, in 806 upon his return from studying with a spiritual master in China. According to NoguchiTakenoriandPaulSchalow, while "homosexuality surely existed in Japan before then . . . the traditional account of its origins helps explain why homosexuality became a preferred form of sexual expression among the Buddhist priesthood." BUDDHISM When Father Francis Xavier arrived in Japan in the mid-sixteenth century with the hope of converting the Japanese to Christianity, he was horrified upon encountering many Buddhist monks involved in same-sex relationships; indeed, he soon began referring to homoeroticism as the "Japanese vice." Although some Buddhist monks condemned such relationships, notably the monk Genshin, many others either accepted or participated in same-sex relationships. Among Japanese Buddhist sects in which such relationships have been documented are the Ji-shu, Hokke-shu, Shingon, and Zen. Practitioners of Ji-shu revered Amida, the "Buddha of the Pure Land" or of "the Western Paradise." Many of its devotees were warriors, and Father Xavier reported that Ji-shu monks acted as teachers, spiritual masters, and lovers to the sons of samurai. Practitioners of Hokkeshu (or Nichiren) Buddhism, the "black" or "lotus" sect, revered Shakyamuni (Siddhartha Gautama). They were well known for their sacred mantra, Namumyohorengekyo, "homage to the lotus of the good law." While Hokke-shu monks officially disapproved of all forms of sexual intercourse, relationships between monks and novices often appear to have been both pedagogic and amatory. According to Xavier, despite their official disapproval of intercourse, the monks "openly admitted " their sexual preference for other males; moreover, Xavier reports that "the vice was so general and so deeply rooted that the bonzes [monks] were not reproached for i t . " Shingon Buddhism is traditionally linked to homoeroticism by way of its founder, Kukai (mentioned above). The Japanese manifestation of Tantric Buddhism, Shingon may also have included homoerotic sex-magical practices which are now lost to us. Zen, that form of Buddhism perhaps most familiarto Westerners, emerged during the ninth century. In the Zen monasteries of medieval Japan, same-sex relations, both between monks and between monks and novices (known as kasshiki and shami), appear to have been so commonplace that the shogun Hojo Sadatoki (whom we might now refer to as "homophobic") initiated an unsuccessful campaign in 1303 to rid the monasteries of same-sex love. Homoerotic relationships occurring within a Zen Buddhist context have been documented in such literary works as the Gozan Bungaku, Iwatsutsuji, and Comrade Loves of the Samurai. The blending of Buddhism and homoeroticism has continued to figure prominently in the works of contemporary Japanese writers, notably Yukio Mishima and Mutsuo Takahashi. Although not specifically linked to homoeroticism, at least one Japanese response to AIDS should be noted. In 1987, Wahei Sakurai reported that at a fertility shrine in Kawasaki City where elements of Shinto and Buddhism are blended, a local priest, Hirohiko Nakamura, displayed two paintings, one of a samurai, the other of a deity in meditation, both in the process of destroying AIDS, in the hope that these paintings, when combined with prayers, would protect practitioners from the disease. Tibet. Although four major traditions of Buddhism emerged in Tibet, only one, the Gelug or d Ge. lugs.pa sect, has been traditionally associated with samesex love. The Gelug, or "yellow hat," tradition was founded in the early fifteenth century by Tsongkhapa Lozang, and it is to this tradition that the Dalai Lama (spiritual head of Tibetan Buddhism) belongs. "Among the Gelugpas," Lama Anagarika Govinda explains, "intellectual knowledge . . . including history, logic, philosophy, poetry . . . medicine and astrology, was given particular prominence . . . the Gelugpas had to qualify themselves through a long course of studies in one of the monastic communities (like Drepung, Ganden, or Sera)." It is most probably in its adoption of the strictest vinaya rules regarding BUGGERY • females that the Gelug tradition has become linked to homoeroticism. According to these rules, no woman may stay overnight within the monastery walls. Moreover, the Gelugpas (at least in the past) condemned heterosexual intercourse for monks, believing that the mere odor resultingfromheterosexual copulation could provoke the rage of certain deities. Such misogynistic and anti-heterosexual notions may have encouraged same-sex bonding. A number of writers have suggested that homoerotic relationships were until recently quite commonplace in Gelug monasteries, especially those relationships between so-called "scholar" and "warrior" monks. In the early twentieth century, E. Kawaguchi, describing the monks of the monastery at Sera as "descendents of the men of Sodom," reported that the monks "scarcely fight for a pecuniary matter, but the beauty of young boys presents an exciting cause, and the theft of a boy w i l l often lead to a duel. Once challenged, no priest can honorably avoid the duel, for to shun it would instantly excommunicate him fromamonghis fellow-priests and hewould be driven.out of the temple." Buddhism in America. Among those who may be credited with introducing the West to Buddhism are Walt Whitman and Henry David Thoreau, both of whom are thought to have loved members of the same sex and both of whom blended elements of Buddhism with elements of other spiritual traditions in their work. In the latter half of the twentieth century, many American gays are practitioners of Buddhism, and the blending of homoeroticism and Buddhism may be found in the work of a number of gay American writers and musicians including Allen Ginsberg, Harold Norse, Richard Ronan, Franklin Abbott, and Lou Harrison. Of these, Ginsberg has perhaps been the most vocal in terms of claiming Buddhism, especially in its Tibetan manifestation as taught by the late Ch8gyam Trungpa Rimpoche, as a source of inspiration. A number of Buddhist organizations have also begun to focus on the specific concerns of gay people, as, for example, the Hartford Street Zen Center of San Francisco, whose co-founder, IssanDorsey, is a gay Zen monk. Other organizations, like the Buddhist AIDS Project of Los Angeles, whilenot addressing the specific concerns of gays, have been established to provide services for persons with AIDS. While some practitioners of Buddhism maintain that the practice of samesex love runs counter to the moral precepts set down long ago by Buddhist monks, many others, both gay and non-gay, maintain that if one accepts one's gayness and attempts to dwell in harmony with and to care for one's fellow creatures, then one is indeed following in the steps of the Buddha. BIBLIOGRAPHY. Ron Bluestein, "Zen and the Art of Maintenance in Mecca," The Advocate, April 2, 1985; Martin Colcutt, Five Mountains: The Rinzai Zen Monastic Institution in Medieval Japan, Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1981; Saikaku Ihara, Comiade Loves of the Samurai, E. Powys Mathers, trans., Rutland, VT: Tuttle, 1972, Matsuo Takahashi, Poems of a Penisist, Hiroaki Sato, trans., Chicago: Chicago Review Press, 1975; Noguchi Takenori and Paul Schalow, "Homosexuality," in Kodansha Encyclopedia of Japan, Gen Itasaka, ed., Tokyo and New York: Kodansha Ltd., 1983, vol. 3, pp. 217-218; Allen Youn&AUen Ginsberg: Gay Sunshine Interview with Allen Young, Bolinas: Grey Fox Press, 1974. Randy P. Conner and Stephen Donaldson

Benefits to the "child" of engaging in "child prostitution

Young people under the age of 18 are often denied any opportunity to be gainfully employed, while those under the age of 16 are almost always denied any opportunity to be gainfully employed. When a young person discovers that he or she may earn money from engaging in sexual activity with an adult, he or she often find this to be a suitable way to earn money for themselves[Citation needed].

In many countries, adolescents--and even younger people--may engage in prostitution willingly, and without being coerced[Citation needed] See the references for the Philippines. in any way, and use the money to support their families or to pay for their education[Citation needed] See Brongersma, Loving Boys . Without this money, the family may not have enough to eat, and the young people may find that their future opportunities are limited because of their lack of education.

In these cultures young people will often also engage in unpaid sexual activity, simply for the pleasure which they receive from the activity[Citation needed].

In most of these countries, being non-Christian cultures, there is not the stigma attached to sexual activity[Citation needed] which is found in Western countries--and which may be damaging to the self-esteem of the young person. Therefore there are no harms at all accruing from any sense of "immorality"--there is no guilt or shame felt by the young person for engaging in sexual activity, even with an adult.


Journal of Child Health Care Volume 12 issue 2 2008 [doi 10.1177%2F1367493508090172] Lau, C. -- Child prostitution in Thailand

  • As well as familial factors, there are regional and ethnic aspects contributing

to the occurrence of child prostitution (Willis and Levy, 2002). For example, Thailand is predominantly a Theravada Buddhist society (Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs, 2005), and prostitution is deemed acceptable through the concept of karma and merit-making. Within this belief, a girl can show gratitude and gain merit by raising money to support her family, and with the rising demand for females in the growing sex industry, daughters can fulfil this cultural mandate by working as prostitutes (Muecke, 1992).

As BoyLovers generally are sensitive to the needs of the young people they engage in sexual activity with, it is not common for them to actually sexually abuse young people--any sexual activity is almost always engaged in only if consented to by the young person. Boylovers who use any physical coercion to force sexually activity on a young person are very very rare--they are actually much less common than heterosexual men who force sexually activity onto women.

Adolescent male prostitution

The city discussed has a population of approximately 200,000 with an additional 100,000 persons in the surrounding county. Male prostitution occurs in a clearly delineated downtown area, separated from female prostitution. Virtually all hustlers working there are categorized as "part-time" (Allen, 1980). The hierarchy, typology, and social network of hustlers in larger cities is lacking. A prostitute's services are purchased on the streets, primarily from adolescent males by adult males. Prostitution occurs in the vicinity of the city's gay bars. This is also an area where youths who identify themselves as gay or lesbian congregate, as they are too young to enter the bars. Prostitution increases during the summer months, as does the number of adolescents


in the area. The subculture of gay and lesbian adolescents and hustlers becomes both intermixed and overlapping.

These social dynamics are different from the expected "survival" behavior, competition, and necessity portrayed for adolescent male prostitutes in larger cities. The majority in this city are under the age of eighteen, and have the basic necessities of food, shelter and clothing. Many return to a family home at the end of an evening. Although these male prostitutes seek employment, material gain, social resources and social power as do their counterparts in the larger cities (Mathews, 1987), additional factors appear to influence their decision.

For some, homosexual sexual encounters as a commodity, to be bought and sold, creates an opportunity to act out homosexual behaviors while denying a homosexual orientation. These young men often speak of their "girlfriend," and insist that they receive no satisfaction from their employment. Hustlers may also meet dependency needs, as the prostitute-client relationship has been characterized as mutually hostile-dependent (Caukins & Coombs, 1976). Many adolescent hustlers develop a regular clientele, who provide them with both material favors and the emotional support indicative of an emotional bond.

Low self-esteem may also contribute to the decision to prostitute. For an adolescent absorbed in bodily changes and questioning his sexuality, the willingness of adult males to pay for his body may increase perceived self-esteem and self-worth. Hustlers often make efforts to maintain good physical condition, and take pride in their physical appearance. Body image is recognized as an important component of adolescent self-esteem. Hustling may also satisfy "thrill-seeking" through involvement in a taboo behavior. As the adolescent is absorbed into the subculture, however, the novelty of prostitution as the reason for practice must be replaced by other factors. Hustling may also reflect a limited perception of roles for homosexual males. Gay male role models are often unknown or inaccessible to homosexually oriented adolescents (Cates, 1987), and their primary view of gay lifestyles may be gleaned from their customers.

Adolescent Male Prostitution by Choice
Jim A. Cates, M.A.
Child and Adolescent Social Work
Volume 6, Number 2, Summer 1989, pp. 151-156

Harms to young people from child prostitution

There are usually no harms[Citation needed] to young people from engaging in uncoerced, unforced prostitution, or from prostitution which in not coerced by parents, etc., especially when the prostitution may be engaged in openly.

If child prostitution is driven underground, the risk of harms greatly increases, as the adults in charge of ensuring the safety and security of young people will then be unaware of the sexual activity that a young person may be engaging in[Citation needed].

For male young people, especially, any risk of harm is much much smaller. Males do not become pregnant. Males are not normally involved as the receivers of penetrative sexual activity, activity which may spread disease.

Child prostitution and the media

The media profits greatly from exploiting the topic of (so-called) "child prostitution," repeating the inflated (and often false) statistics which child savers provide to the media[Citation needed].


  • Childhood Volume 6 issue 1 1999 [doi 10.1177%2F0907568299006001009] ROSEMBERG, F.; ANDRADE, L. F. -- Ruthless Rhetoric- Child and Youth Prostitution in Brazil

Child prostitution and the "child savers"

The child savers profit greatly from exploiting the topic of (so-called) "child prostitution," feeding inflated (and often false) statistics to the media.

See also

(more to be added later)


  1. For example, the Encyclopedia of Homosexuality in the Philippines article, says: "Callboys." Courtship patterns of male homosexuals are characterized by the "callboy" system, wherein heterosexual males usually between 15 and 25 engage in sexual relations or in more permanent relationships with homosexuals in exchange for money and sustenance paid by the homosexual. Callboys may be found in all parts of the Philippines and it is estimated that as many as 80 percent of the young males from the working and lower middle classes at some point in their youths work as "callboys." Even much younger boys may also act as "callboys."
  2. "Yet these younger brothel workers are teenagers, not children under the age of 10." in Working At the Bar : Sex Work and Health Communication in Thailand Civic Discourse for the Third Millennium, Steinfatt, Thomas M., 2002, Greenwood Publishing Group, Westport, CT, p.105
  3. Alf Svensson, ‘Killar som går för pengar. Funderingar om prostitution av Alf Svensson’, Revolt (No. 10, 1979: 42).

Temporary notes for references

[Parents] will describe the economic benefits of the local trade in boys and the generosity of the foreigners who have paid for their young lovers' schooling, built a basketball court and funded civic projects.
When the Immigration Commission a year ago arrested 22 foreigners who were engaged in prostitution rings[sic], some parents, the recipients of their largesse, testified in their defense.

The moral attitude of the town is pro-prostitution, said a resident who requested anonymity. The attitude is, Everyone's doing it, you're not going to get pregnant, and you get the money.

At school ... children proudly display the new clothes, pocket money and other gifts that they receive from their patrons

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  • Loving Boys Vols. I and II, by Edward Brongersma
  • Sex at the Margins Migration, Labour Markets and the Rescue Industry - Laura_Maria_Agustin
This groundbreaking book explodes several myths: that selling sex is completely different from any other kind of work; that migrants who sell sex are passive victims; and that the multitude of people out to save them are without self-interest. Laura Agustín argues that the label 'trafficked' does not accurately describe migrants' lives and that the 'rescue industry' disempowers them. Based on extensive research amongst migrants who sell sex and social helpers, Sex at the Margins provides a radically different analysis. Frequently, says Agustín, migrants make rational choices to travel and work in the sex industry. Although they are treated like a marginalised group they form part of the dynamic global economy. Both powerful and controversial, this book is essential reading for all those who want to understand the increasingly important relationship between sex markets, migration and the desire for social justice.
  • Rethinking Trafficking in Women- Politics out of Security - Claudia Aradau
Claudia Aradau is one of the most innovative thinkers in security studies today. Alternating between a provocative but highly insightful analysis of the securitising of trafficking of women and an incisive critique of recent developments in security studies, she argues that politics in the name of security is counter-productive, if not impossible. This is a wonderfully rich and topical book that firmly redefines both security studies and studies of trafficking of women as a study of political practice and the political.' - Jef Huysmans, Senior Lecturer, Department of Politics and International Studies, Open University, UK and author of The Politics of Insecurity
'Aradau offers a complex, multifaceted account of how security policies, practices and discourses touch the bodies of women defined as trafficked [providing] a comprehensive set of practical and theoretical elements to strategize a way out of security.' Guillermina Seri, Radical Philosophy 150, July/August 2008
'Combining the analysis of trafficking with an engaged account of recent security debates, and building on an extensive reading of political and social theory, Rethinking Trafficking in Women: Politics Out of Security is an impressive as well as an ambitious book.' Lene Hansen, Cooperation and Conflict: Journal of the Nordic International Studies Association Vol. 43: 2008
'Aradau's book provides some fascinating [...] material on the practices of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) involved in the rescue, return and rehabilitation of trafficked women.' Julia O'Connell Davidson, feminist review 96: 2010
  • Sex Trafficking, Human Rights and Social Justice - Tiantian Zheng (Editor)
The recognition of women’s human rights to migrate and work as sex workers is disregarded and dismissed by anti-trafficking discourses of rescue in the latest United Nation’s definition of trafficking.
This volume explores the life experiences, agency, and human rights of trafficked women in order to shed light on the complicated processes in which anti-trafficking, human rights and social justice are intersected. In these articles, the authors critically analyze not only the conflation of trafficking with sex work in international and national discourses and its effects on migrant women, but also the global anti-trafficking policy and the root causes for the undocumented migration and employment. Featuring case studies on eleven countries including the US, Iran, Denmark, Paris, Hong Kong, and south east Asia and offering perspectives from transnational migrant population, the contributors rearticulate the trafficking discourses away from the state control of immigration and the global policing of borders, and reassert the social justice and the needs, agency, and human rights of migrant and working communities.
This book will be of interest to students and scholars of politics, gender studies, human rights, migration, sociology and anthropology.

External links

  • In a Philippine Town, Child Prostitution, Despite Protests, Is a Way of Life
  • "The Pederast" by Parker Rossman
  • The following was written by a woman who is against adult-child sexual activity, but in her article she cannot help but to show many of the positive aspects of it:
  • Beach Boys, or Sexually Exploited Children? Competing Narratives of Sex Tourism and Their Impact on Youth in Sri Lanka
  • The following article "deconstructs" the concept of prostitution:
Escort Services - Legal Issues - Marc Perkel
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